Besan Khalaf | Joulyan Hnide

With the constitutional declaration announced on March 13 last month, the spiritual leader of the Druze community in Syria, Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, rejected the declaration, calling for a new constitution that establishes a participatory democratic system. This system should consider the historical and cultural uniqueness of the country, ensure the independence and separation of powers, expand the powers of local administrations, and limit the powers of the presidency.

Al-Hijri’s statements sparked widespread controversy on social media, and with protests against the Damascus government erupting in As-Suwayda, accusations of the region’s desire for separation from Syria intensified. Activists considered this to be “voices singing outside the choir,” lacking social and national backing.

Al-Hijri denied the desire for separation in a statement on March 4, stressing that “our project is distinctly national, the unity of Syria, land and people; we want to live with dignity, this is what we demand. We were in a phase and now we are in a phase of void; the matter is very delicate, and we must unite ranks,” adding that the talk about separation has no basis.

On the other hand, the elders of As-Suwayda, Sheikh al-Aql Hamoud al-Hanawi and Youssef al-Jarbou’, believed that the Damascus government is a de facto government but has received international support. It positively addressed the demands of the elders, calling for the security and military staff in As-Suwayda to be from the province, and that it is acceptable to have emissaries from Damascus, such as the governor, overseeing the administration.

Despite all active forces in the province affirming the unity of Syrian territory and rejecting separation, questions remain among the Syrian street about As-Suwayda’s desire for separation and the call for Israeli protection.

Accusations are not new

Accusations about As-Suwayda’s wish to separate are not new, as the peaceful movement in As-Suwayda in 2021 faced allegations of cooperating with the armed opposition in Idlib and wanting to separate from Syria.

Journalist and civil society activist Rawad Ballan told Enab Baladi that the Assad regime has historically worked to isolate As-Suwayda from the Syrian environment since independence. The accusation of separation is also a historical charge that has persisted despite all the sacrifices made by the people of As-Suwayda for Syria.

He added that the narrative of separation has been reinforced by both the previous and current authorities, marketing it among Syrians, exploiting the integration of the Druze in Palestine from “Arab 48” in Israeli society as any minority that seeks protection from the state.

He believes that the regime methodically isolated the Druze from the national cause, using systematic tools, and the new authority is working with the same tools and discourse. The attack on the Druze is an attempt at blackmail, where one is either a traitor and a collaborator, or must accept the status quo.

Sheikh al-Hijri and the people of As-Suwayda insist on the existence of a national army of Syrian soldiers, not foreign ones, representing all segments of the Syrian people, “and we do not want a factional army based on a single color,” according to Ballan.

Political researcher Jamal al-Shoufi confirmed to Enab Baladi that the accusation of As-Suwayda seeking separation is not new; it was previously circulated by the old regime, which accused the Druze as it did other segments of the Syrian people. The easiest accusation for them is one of collaboration.

The fall of the Assad regime caused a security and police vacuum, creating confusion in the Syrian street. Alongside this confusion over the 14 years of revolution, there is sectarian tension among Syrians, leading to discomfort between all segments of the Syrian people, according to al-Shoufi.

Al-Shoufi stated that As-Suwayda has always been, and continues to be, a bastion for Damascus. Its demands for moderation in governance do not mean it wants to separate or seek the Israeli government. “There is no doubt we hear voices singing outside the choir, these voices are local and lack social and national backing.”

As-Suwayda’s demands for moderation in governance do not mean it seeks separation or to request the Israeli government. There is no doubt that we hear voices singing outside the choir; these voices are local and lack social and national backing.

Jamal al-Shoufi, Political researcher

He added that these voices do not engage in dialogue or strengthen ties with the existing government, but rather work with an adversarial language, and these calls may be exploited by questionable parties, one of which could be Israel.

Al-Shoufi emphasized that As-Suwayda has a national dimension, and while it discusses some national issues and topics, its goal is to strengthen state institutions and move towards stability.

Role of civil society in As-Suwayda

Political researcher Jamal al-Shoufi pointed out that civil society in As-Suwayda is dialogue-oriented, desiring stability and peace while aiming to achieve the revolution’s gains. It critically examines mistakes from all sides, whether from the authority or the local community, but at the same time works for dialogue, critique, and prioritizing the idea of stability and moderation.

Civil society, especially its prominent figures, faces multiple accusations. For instance, if I say I want to solidify the state regardless of the authority, I am accused of being loyal to the authority; the state comprises institutions, police, and law, which is different from the authority. If I say there are legitimate demands for establishing security and safety, I am labeled as “sectarian.”

Accusations against As-Suwayda regarding separation are a populist wave aimed at creating widespread confusion within the Syrian society through voices akin to electronic flies, intended to incite and marginalize the rational voice that seeks dialogue, according to al-Shoufi.

Divergent opinions in the street

“If we wanted separation, the opportunity was available during the Assad regime, and it would have received international support. Not accepting a single-colored government and a constitutional declaration that does not guarantee the rights of minorities to participate politically under a clear article does not equate to separation,” said Rami al-Atrash (29), from the village of al-Qarya, who was active in the As-Suwayda popular movement in 2021.

He added, “Our demands are clear; we want a democratic constitution based on participation, not the allocation of power, to build a civil state and a national army structured in a way that enhances the role of citizenship. The factional army based on religious or ethnic doctrine is similar to Assad’s army.”

Our demands are clear; we want a democratic constitution based on participation, not power-sharing, to build a civil state, and a national army structured to enhance citizenship. The factional army based on religious or ethnic doctrine is similar to Assad’s army.

Rami al-Atrash, Civil activist from As-Suwayda

Meanwhile, Mohammed al-Aqabani, an activist in the As-Suwayda movement, believes that “some have begun to use, knowingly or maliciously,” what was once used by supporters of the defunct regime, centered around the idea that Damascus is the main lifeblood of the province. He states, “It is used as an excuse for the need for Damascus, as it provides services like education, health, and employment, due to the demographic distribution across multiple provinces, including rural Damascus.”

He noted that there are those who echo the idea of the necessity of communication with Damascus, claiming there is no alternative, as the only alternative is Israel. This way, the sons of As-Suwayda are distanced from their national and historical identity. “However, what I seek to convey is that just as the regime was unable to cut off the lifeline to the province and isolate it, the current authority in Damascus is also incapable of doing that, due to As-Suwayda’s connections to international files and the protection of minorities.”

Rejecting occupation does not mean accepting another oppressive authority, whether Baathist or under a religious guise.

Mohammed al-Aqabani, Civil activist from As-Suwayda

He further explained that calling for a break with the Damascus authority does not equate to severing ties with Damascus as a city or changing one’s allegiance; it means seeking new solutions for engagement that are free from personal interests and national bidding. “Rejecting occupation does not mean accepting another oppressive authority, whether Baathist or with religious cover.”

Syrians affirm national unity in al-Karama Square in As-Suwayda – December 13, 2024 (Enab Baladi/Joulyan Hnide)

How the popular movement started

As-Suwayda faced considerable pressure from the previous regime since the start of the revolution, with tactics of repression, arbitrary arrests, and assaults on demonstrators occurring since the revolution began in 2011. Additionally, the government at that time fabricated strife between the provinces of Daraa and As-Suwayda, attempting to undermine security between the western countryside of As-Suwayda and the eastern countryside of Daraa.

Media blackout regarding the political stances of the province rendered it isolated from the other components of Syrian society until direct accusations began following the peaceful protests in 2018, which condemned the previous government’s disregard for the service reality in the city.

With the degradation of service conditions, such as electricity—which does not exceed one hour of supply against four hours of blackout—alongside water shortages and some areas of the city suffering from total lack of water, and poor internet service, the security situation deteriorated with rising cases of kidnapping in both the western rural As-Suwayda and the eastern rural Daraa.

Moreover, the security grip tightened, personal freedoms were curtailed, and political representation in government circles and the People’s Assembly diminished. This representation was merely formal and did not reflect the aspirations of the people.

Assad’s regime and As-Suwayda protests

As the demands of the As-Suwayda protests shifted from economic and service-oriented issues to calls for the overthrow of the Assad regime and the implementation of a political solution aimed at a peaceful transfer of power and the release of prisoners, the former regime undertook several measures to suppress the peaceful movement. Notably, it spread rumors about the entry of “terrorist organizations” into As-Suwayda from the eastern desert and sent military reinforcements.

With the participants in the peaceful movement rejecting the regime’s calls for a “settlement,” a verbal altercation occurred between the protesters and security personnel, leading to them opening fire directly on the crowd. This resulted in the injury of young Jawad al-Barouki, who died before being taken to the hospital, becoming the first fatality at the hands of the Assad regime’s forces during the As-Suwayda protests.

Protesters held al-Barouki’s funeral in al-Karama Square, attended by religious and community leaders.

The regime did not stop there; it resorted to arbitrary arrests of activists and university students.

At the beginning of 2024, security forces stormed the university dormitory in Latakia and arrested student Dani Obeid due to a post he made on Facebook regarding the peaceful protests in As-Suwayda, where he remained detained for 75 days.

During the protests and the escalation between the demonstrators in al-Karama Square and the former security forces, the spiritual leader of the Druze community in Syria, Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, repeatedly warned against inciting discord within the movement and engaging in armed conflict.

At the time, he stated in a message published on the official page of the spiritual presidency via Facebook that the people of the province are “peaceful patriots, and when necessary, they are capable of defending the homeland, peace, dignity, and rights, in pursuit of a better future.”

Al-Hijri emphasized that the people of the province are committed to the peaceful opposition movement against the Syrian regime, clarifying that the protests aim to “demand rights through legitimate and peaceful calls.”

As-Suwayda and the new government

On March 12, a “Memorandum of Understanding” was published, signed by As-Suwayda Governor Mustafa al-Bakour and the spiritual leader of the Druze community, Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, to resolve the province’s issues.

The As-Suwayda Governor’s office stated that the “Memorandum of Understanding” was agreed upon by those present and included a commitment to activate the judicial authority and improve the security file within the Ministry of Interior, organizing defected officers and all armed factions under the Ministry of Defense, in addition to paying overdue salaries for employees and reconsidering the situation of those dismissed from work before December 8, 2024.

The agreement also stipulated financial and administrative reforms for government institutions, expediting the appointment of members to the temporary executive office to address employees’ concerns, while emphasizing the preservation of civil peace and preventing encroachments on public and private property.

The provisions included the removal of encroachments on state property according to a planned strategy and finding alternatives, along with designating the former Baath party building as the main headquarters for the university in the province.

The agreement took place during an organizational and administrative meeting held at the residence of the spiritual presidency of the Sheikh of the Mind (Sheikh al-Aql) in Qanawat, attended by several members who represented As-Suwayda during the national dialogue conference, where they discussed the current conditions of As-Suwayda.

The agreement’s terms indicated that the signatories to these provisions would act as a monitoring committee for their implementation, continuing to consult and seek solutions for any emerging developments or issues not covered within the provisions.

On its part, the news site “Suwayda 24,” which specializes in covering provincial news, quoted a source from the As-Suwayda spiritual presidency, stating that the issued document from a meeting between a group of politicians and a representative from the new administration consists of a series of requests for the new administration and is not a final agreement.

The representative of the administration promised that the state would commit to implementing these requests, and there are numerous other files where negotiations are still ongoing.

Syria’s transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, met with a delegation of As-Suwayda activists at the People’s Palace in Damascus, along with As-Suwayda Governor Mustafa al-Bakour, on March 11.

The events following the fall of Assad’s regime on December 8, 2024, and the announcement of the formation of a new Syrian army led to a sort of political and military division in As-Suwayda province, with some supporting the idea of joining the Ministry of Defense in Damascus and others opposing it.

At the same time that the ministry sought to reach an agreement with parties in As-Suwayda, a military formation known as the “Military Council of As-Suwayda” appeared, claiming in a statement published on February 24 that it carried a “national project,” expressing a desire to cooperate with Damascus.

The Council complicated the situation in the province, but did not occupy a space in the negotiations, nor did the Syrian government or local factions comment on its presence in As-Suwayda, despite numerous accusations directed at it of receiving support from Israel, which has expanded its activities in southern Syria for months.

The commander of the Military Council, Tarek al-Shoufi, did not respond to inquiries posed by Enab Baladi repeatedly via email regarding the accusations against the council and its position on Damascus.

Developments and implications

With attempts by Israel to exploit the situation in Syria, attempting to convey a message accompanied by threats about its defense of the Druze in Syria, national forces have shown no consideration for this approach, firmly affirming their commitment to their national identity. However, concerns about the lack of a clear vision and the emergence of some voices promoting the option of secession have clouded the situation.

The national stance in As-Suwayda was evident in statements and protests, including a gathering in al-Karama Square in As-Suwayda, where participants condemned the Israeli bombardment on Daraa, reaffirming the unity of the Syrian people and renewing their rejection of any foreign interference in the country.

Alongside the position of activists, news pages, including al-Rased, published a text of a message signed by the Druze community leaders Youssef al-Jarbou’ and Hamoud al-Hanawi, addressed to social and religious representatives from various constituents of the province, military forces including the Men of Dignity Movement, and political and civil currents such as the Social Committee for National Action and the Freedom and Change Movement.

 A copy of the message directed from the spiritual, social, civil, and political forces in As-Suwayda to the transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa (Al-Rased)

The message, signed on March 26, and directed to transitional Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa days before the announcement of the formation of the new government, called for a reconsideration of the constitutional declaration and accountability for those involved in inciting sectarian tensions.

It emphasized that the victory of the Syrian revolution should be translated into a comprehensive political path that includes all Syrians in political and economic life and defending the country against any external aggression, under the slogan “Religion is for God, and the homeland is for all.”

The message strongly reinforced the unity of Syrian territory and the necessity of preserving cultural and ethnic diversity, viewing the national dialogue conference as a fundamental entry point for addressing the Syrian social contract.

It also demanded the activation of the conference’s outcomes, especially item 18, which calls for the continuation of dialogue and the formation of representative committees that encompass various political, economic, and service activities.

The message pointed out that the constitutional declaration does not meet the aspirations of many Syrians, insisting on revisiting it through real and comprehensive national dialogue that ensures the separation of powers, the activation of accountability, and the establishment of justice and citizenship, leading to the drafting of a permanent constitution that reflects the popular will and the establishment of a parliament directly elected by the citizens.

The message stressed the need to activate judicial institutions and the judicial authority, and to restore all state institutions to function, with comprehensive administrative and financial reform to provide services to citizens efficiently and justly.

It called for an end to arbitrary dismissal decisions for employees and their return to their jobs, except for those proven corrupt or violating the law.

The signatories warned against dealing individually with external entities away from state institutions, considering such actions detrimental to national unity, and called for raising the unified Syrian flag as a national symbol for all Syrians.