Khaled al-Jeratli | Hassan Ibrahim | Ali Darwish

Syria has witnessed one of the worst waves of violence in recent days since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8, 2024. It began with an ambush by armed men loyal to the ousted regime in the Syrian coast, referred to by the Syrian government as “remnants of the regime,” targeting security elements from the interim government in Damascus.

The events quickly escalated into violent clashes, during which violations against civilians from the Syrian coast were committed, most of which had a vengeful and sectarian character. These included extrajudicial killings, field executions, and systematic mass killings driven by revengeful and sectarian motives, according to reports documented by human rights organizations.

The tensions that followed the events, along with the accompanying slogans and sectarian dimensions, began on March 6 and resulted in the unlawful killing of 803 people, met with widespread popular and official condemnation both locally and internationally.

Alongside the wave of violence that hit the region, voices emerged from Syria denouncing sectarian tendencies and emphasizing the need to combat them, maintain civil peace, and keep Syria unified with all its components, avoiding dragging the country towards sectarian poison and holding violators accountable.

Enab Baladi discusses in this report the repercussions of the events that occurred in the Syrian coast and ways to reach solutions that alleviate the burdens of sectarian tendencies among various groups of Syrians, and the role of the government in this regard.

Initiatives and voices rejecting sectarianism

Simultaneously with the operation “Deterrence of Aggression,” which led to the downfall of Assad’s regime and Bashar al-Assad’s escape to Russia, there was a clear emphasis on avoiding and preventing any stirring of sectarian strife in Syria. Subsequently, the battle carried messages to prevent targeting based on ethnicity, sect, or religion. This was followed by meetings, speeches, and the formation of committees, where the rejection of sectarianism, power-sharing, and the prevention of sectarianism in society while recognizing diversity was constantly articulated by officials, from the top of the hierarchy, Ahmed al-Sharaa, the transitional president of Syria, down to government officials.

In light of the tensions in the Syrian coast, al-Sharaa stated that some parties that lost in the new reality of Syria are trying to reinvigorate themselves politically by stirring sectarian tensions in Syria, and the potential for civil war was significant and imminent.

 

Loyalists to al-Assad and foreign allied states are the ones who ignited the clashes to incite unrest and create sectarian discord, in order to destabilize security and stability within Syria.

Ahmed al-Sharaa, Transitional president of Syria

 

Committees to address the situation

Al-Sharaa issued two decisions to form a Supreme Committee for Maintaining Civil Peace in Syria, consisting of the appointed head of the Latakia governorate, Hassan Soufan, Dr. Anas Ayrout, and Dr. Khaled al-Ahmad, and a Fact-Finding Committee composed of five judges, an officer, and a lawyer, to investigate the violent events in coastal cities of western Syria.

Dr. Anas Ayrout, a member of the civil peace committee, told Enab Baladi that the main goal of the committee’s work is to provide moral support by fostering security among individuals of different communities and religions, and to provide material support through relief efforts to meet the needs of those in need, as referenced in the Quran: “He who fed them from hunger and secured them from fear.”

He added that the tools of domestic peace are many, and among the most important is the establishment of channels and platforms for communication among various segments of society, opening channels for dialogue through organizing seminars or social councils, and intensifying meetings, as they are capable of cutting off rumors, aligning perspectives, and repairing misunderstandings and bridging gaps.

Among the tools of domestic peace is the formation of a reform council comprising wise and insightful individuals and activating it to fulfill its responsibility as a link between the citizens and the official authorities, according to Ayrout.

Key activities of the civil peace committee in the Syrian coast:

• Meeting with citizens and representatives of various communities for dialogue and proposing solutions to achieve civil peace.
• Activating the role of neighborhood heads and popular committees and communicating with them.
• Calling for accountability of those responsible for violations and assaults from any party.
• Directing to reject sectarian rhetoric through imams and speakers.
• Coordinating with the security apparatus to set up barriers at the entrances of towns and residential neighborhoods for their protection.
• Supporting the idea of confiscating weapons from civilians and handing them over to security forces.

Ayrout: We reject sectarian rhetoric

Ayrout emphasized that military personnel received instructions and directives not to harm civilians and innocents. The world saw how they entered Damascus and the coastal region with “songs and celebrations” without shedding a drop of blood and continued this for more than three months, in complete coexistence and solidarity, fully controlled by the state and the wise and insightful individuals. They prevented the anticipated revenge that was likely as a result of the atrocities committed by the “Assad gang” in the name of sectarianism.

He added during his talk with Enab Baladi that what occurred was the “incitement of the remnants or gangs of Assad’s regime,” along with the blatant assault on the security forces and the army and the siege of hospitals and mosques, in coordination with some Iranian militias and Hezbollah and others, resulting in crimes and repercussions against security personnel, police, and innocent civilians of all sects, which “resulted in more than 300 martyrs and many injured.” Here, it was imperative for the state to intervene firmly and decisively to secure the state and public peace.

Ayrout mentioned that government convoys broke the siege on Latakia hospital and worked on cleansing the area of the remnants. All violations occurred afterward when some individuals from outside the area entered, presumably seeking revenge after being harmed by the remnants, leading to individual, unregulated acts of revenge.

 

The Civil Peace Committee played a role in calming the situation and securing the residents in their homes, working to meet with village residents, and frequently visiting Alawite villages to support and secure their inhabitants, calming them in their homes, and working on the maintenance of electricity and water networks for the return of life and returning some stolen property to their owners.

Dr. Anas Ayrout, Member of the Civil Peace Committee in the Syrian coast

 

Ayrout stated that he categorically rejects sectarian rhetoric, affirming that it is not part of the religion, while emphasizing that the (Deterrence of Aggression) operations room and the government have called on individuals to abide by the tenets of religion, law, and ethics.

The member of the Civil Peace Committee stated that the committee contributed to calming the situation and securing residents in their homes, working to meet with villagers, and frequently visiting Alawite villages to support, secure, and calm their residents while working on the maintenance of electricity and water networks to restore life and return some stolen items to their owners.

No to dismantling the social fabric

Voices, statements, and community initiatives rejecting sectarianism have emerged, condemning violations and affirming commitment to national unity and joint efforts to rebuild Syria according to the dreams and visions of its people. This includes a statement issued by all components of the city of Salamieh and its countryside, which is home to a mix of communities belonging to different sects.

Points from the statement issued by all components of the city of Salamieh and its countryside:

• Absolute commitment to civil peace and rejection of any attempts to destabilize or tamper with public safety.

• Strong condemnation of the assaults carried out by remnants of the previous regime.

• Strong condemnation of the criminal attacks suffered by residents in their cities and villages at the hands of outlaws, and a call to work decisively to stop the Syrian bloodshed.

• Full support for the Syrian state and its security and civil institutions in their efforts to protect citizens and enhance security and stability.

• High appreciation for the state’s formation of an independent fact-finding committee.

• Limiting arms to the state.

• A call for all national and community forces to exercise the highest degrees of responsibility and awareness, and to reject all forms of incitement and sedition.

• Supporting the state in its journey toward rebuilding a state of law and citizenship based on participatory decision-making, and emphasizing the importance of implementing transitional justice.

• Affirming the unity of Syrian territory and rejecting any attempts at division and foreign interventions.

• Welcoming the agreement reached between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian government.

The Cordoba Private University in Aleppo organized a vigil for students and faculty, where they carried flowers and torches, calling for the unity of Syria’s territories and people, and supporting government efforts in this regard while rejecting incitement, hatred, and sectarian rhetoric.

The president of the Cordoba Private University in Aleppo, Dr. Lara Kadid, told Enab Baladi that the sectarian incitement rhetoric creates a deep rift among the components of the Syrian people, enhances divisions, and fuels feelings of hatred and hostility.

Kadid considered that this type of rhetoric contributes to the disintegration of the social fabric, exacerbating tensions among different sects, which in turn leads to the spread of violence and conflict.

She added that the continuation of this rhetoric exacerbates internal conflicts and increases societal divisions, which poses a barrier to achieving peace and stability in the country.

Kadid emphasized the importance of peaceful initiatives, including the solidarity vigil at Cordoba University, considering it “an important step toward enhancing tolerance and understanding among various components of Syrian society,” as it helps build bridges of communication and strengthen dialogue between different sects, affirming the commitment to civil peace and the necessity of being adequately aware to help reduce sectarian tensions.

In the city of al-Bab in the countryside of Aleppo, a video published by the Abaq volunteer team sparked widespread outrage on social media (later deleted) as it showed the distribution of dates to fasting individuals during Ramadan along with sectarian incitement phrases.

Following the wave of anger, the team issued an apology to all Syrians, especially the Alawite community, affirming its responsibility for this error, emphasizing that its intention was not to incite sedition or provoke hostility.

The incident drew public reaction, prompting several statements of condemnation, including one from the local council in al-Bab city, which rejected these behaviors and threatened to take legal action to investigate the circumstances of the incident and hold those responsible accountable according to the law, noting that the team was not licensed by them.

A member of the political committee in As-Suwayda, lawyer Saleh Alameddin, criticized steps taken by Ahmed al-Sharaa and the interim Damascus government, considering them responsible for creating a kind of sectarian confusion and division among the components of the Syrian people.

Alameddin believes that the government’s and al-Sharaa’s actions contravened the building of a new state, giving the state a single shade (by resolving the constitution entirely and inserting foreign fighters into the army structure), which stirred sectarian sentiments. The violations occurring in the coastal region of Syria carry a sectarian and existential dimension, and precautions must be taken to avoid this situation and review procedures and steps.

What drives components of society to rally behind their beliefs?

Perhaps the issue of minorities and majorities has never been raised in any period of Syria’s history as it has during the past period, at a time when segments of Syrian society are fortified by their sectarian affiliations in front of other groups belonging to different sects, yet taking the same position.

Professor of political sociology and director of the Contemporary Middle East Studies Center at Sorbonne University, Burhan Ghalioun, notes that the term “minorities” in current conditions does not correspond with its familiar form everywhere and throughout the ages.

In his book “The Sectarian Issue and the Problem of Minorities,” Ghalioun states that the meaning of a minority is always inspired by the historical and political context that infuses it with differentiation, with social dimensions ranging from the demand for equality to the call for independence and the establishment of a separate state.

He added that all nations are composed of minorities, or distinct and diverse groups, whether social, professional, geographical, or national, and these groups are not always at the same level of strength or influence over power.

A matter with historical connections

The sectarian issue occupies a significant space among the tools used over the years in the Syrian war, and this reality has been exploited by various local and international parties. Researcher Alaa al-Din al-Khatib explained in a study published by the Tawasl Center for Countering Hate Speech that the seriousness of this discourse lies in the fact that the sectarian issue is a historically ongoing crisis in the world and the region, and in Syria. It is part of a global and regional fundamentalist backlash towards narrow identities. More importantly, sectarian incitement discourse provides populist rhetoric with many tools that appeal to the angry or frustrated emotions of the masses.

Dr. Safwan Qassam, a sociologist, stated to Enab Baladi that the sectarian issue in Syria has roots that go back to earlier periods than are generally considered today. This can be observed by looking at the places of residence of religious minorities in Syria, which are located in mountainous areas that are easy to defend.

He added that the persecution that minorities in Syria have suffered throughout history, especially with the political changes that have occurred in the country, including “Ibn Taymiyyah’s fatwas to kill minorities,” has formed a collective mentality among religious minorities that instills fear of the majority in Syria, a phenomenon that the previous Syrian regime exploited, according to Qassam.

Qassam also mentioned that the threats faced by minorities, which have occurred in various areas over the years, including the town of Qalb Loze in Idlib, which has a Druze majority, have contributed to the formation of a state of non-integration within the surrounding community for the group that suffered the violation.

He pointed out that the incitement that has not ceased over the past weeks, without deterrence, led to events on the Syrian coast, resulting in casualties from both the Sunni and Alawite communities.

 

The sectarian issue in Syria has deeper historical roots than are generally considered today, which can be observed by looking at the places of residence of religious minorities in Syria in mountainous areas that are easy to defend.

Safwan Qassam, Sociology professor

 

Sectarian disputes exploited by al-Assad

The discourse based on hatred in general, or on sectarian hatred in Syria, relies on the differentiation of deeply rooted religious and sectarian identities within Syrian local communities. This is based on stereotypical and somewhat hostile perceptions of the other, according to the researcher at the Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies, Talal al-Mustafa.

Al-Mustafa, who is also a sociology professor, told Enab Baladi that the hate speech feeds on feelings of marginalization and fear usually amplified by politicians. In other words, the political actor is the one who exaggerates the situation, alongside the role played by religious or sectarian leaders in amplifying this discourse as well.

He added that hatred naturally leads to more retaliatory violence, especially when one group or community is blamed for the threats or difficulties faced by another, implying that “the sectarian framework is a fertile environment for escalating violence and hatred.”

The researcher noted that after the outbreak of the Syrian revolution in 2011, the Syrian regime worked to inflame hate speech. Over time, the public discourse focused on an undeclared sectarian war between Sunnis and Alawites, whether consciously or unconsciously, which the ousted Assad regime directed its efforts toward.

The researcher traced the roots of the sectarian conflict in Syria back to before 2011, pointing out that it is related to the authoritarian structure of the regime and not a result of the revolution, as the ousted regime tried to portray it previously.

On his part, Dr. Safwan Qassam divided the Sunni majority’s perspective on sectarian events in Syria into multiple currents, the most significant of which is the current that lived in northwestern Syria, where some individuals think from a retaliatory standpoint, given that they are the ones who lived in tents, under barrel bombs, and suffered displacement and killing.

He noted that the very contradictory situation in Syria is currently understood, considering that retaliatory actions are measured as reactions from one group to another, where the first has endured the harshest forms of persecution, and the second has taken pleasure in its wounds.

He pointed out the existence of another trend within the Syrian Sunni majority that believes in the essence of humanity, the essence of society itself, and the essence of good social relations among individuals.

Qassam also stated that the third current is the political current, which often leads the media scene and also drives the first group, allowing it to use sectarian rhetoric to mobilize the first group in its struggle against religious minorities.

He stressed that the persistence of this discourse will not lead to stability but will reflect violations of rights based on sectarian grounds that will always resurface.

Sectarianism: Risks and solutions

Partisanship and sectarian entrenchment are considered one of the reasons for foreign interventions in countries, especially during the last two centuries. Western countries, under the pretext of protecting minorities, found an excuse to intervene in the affairs of many countries in the region, supporting certain religious or ethnic components at the expense of others, dating back to the Ottoman Empire.

Today in Syria, sectarian incitements and calls for international intervention and protection are becoming more pronounced, which could lead Syria to dire consequences, according to observers, with multiple examples of this.

Risks of external guardianship

The Syrian transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, called during a video address on March 9 for the region and the world to support Syria and fully respect its unity and sovereignty in light of recent events in the Syrian coast.

Al-Sharaa stressed that “Syria will remain steadfast and we will not allow any external powers or local parties to drag it into chaos or civil war, and we are committed to moving forward to a future that befits our great people.”

The Minister of Defense in the interim government of Damascus, Murhaf Abu Qasra, stated that “the greatest achievement after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime is the prevention of a civil war.”

Abu Qasra mentioned during a meeting in the capital, Damascus, attended by Enab Baladi on January 22, that “thanks to the awareness of the Syrians, we managed to surpass the stage of civil war.”

Conversely, several voices in the coastal regions, As-Suwayda, or even northeastern Syria are calling for foreign intervention, coinciding with the process of rebuilding the Syrian state after the fall of the Assad regime.

Regarding the dangers of sectarianism on Syria’s unity, the Director of Policy Analysis at the Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies, Dr. Samir al-Abdullah, noted that sectarianism carries various risks. In addition to the state of division within society and the potential violence if the matter escalates, it enhances the interference of foreign countries in the internal affairs of the country.

Some countries deliberately support parties against others, prolonging the conflict or disagreement, hindering the economy and projects, exhausting the state’s resources, and producing elites that represent their sects rather than a national elite that represents the interests of all people, according to al-Abdullah.

Al-Abdullah added to Enab Baladi that for Syria, “this stage has been surpassed,” especially since there is international will for the new government to succeed and support it in stabilizing the situation. However, Iran will continue to incite sectarianism, while Russia will monitor the scene without direct intervention.

One of the most significant dangers of external guardianship is that national interests may become directly hostage to the interests of foreign powers, according to political researcher Nader Khalil. Under normal circumstances, the ruling authority in any country, like Syria, seeks to achieve a balance between the interests of external parties through negotiations and the principle of mutual interests.

Khalil explained to Enab Baladi that in the case of submission to external guardianship, local authority becomes forcibly and directly constrained by the interests of foreign powers, limiting its ability to maneuver.

 

Any ruling authority seeks to achieve a balance between the interests of external parties through negotiations and mutual interests, but in cases of submission to external guardianship, local authority becomes forcibly constrained by foreign interests, hindering its maneuverability.

Nader Khalil, Syrian political researcher

 

He noted that this situation often negatively impacts citizens’ interests, as their needs are marginalized in favor of foreign agendas.

However, in some cases, external guardianship might serve the interests of marginalized or oppressed components, and this only occurs when the local authority is heavily biased towards the interests of a particular component at the expense of others, according to Khalil.

He considered that this opportunistic situation leads to a fragile national affiliation and renders the concerned country weak and susceptible to repeated interventions, making its political structure “very fragile.”

What are the solutions?

Recent events on the Syrian coast have intensified sectarian rhetoric in Syria, following the killing of civilians by remnants of the former regime or civilians from the Alawite sect by undisciplined military factions.

The risks of this phase are not limited to the events that occurred in coastal cities in Syria. The sectarian discourse still dominates social media among Syrians, while the government works to mitigate the impact of these events.

Researcher Nader Khalil sees the strengthening of the rule of law and criminalizing the glorification of “Assadism” as one of the access points to a solution, through legal measures and holding accountable those who incite or commit crimes against the Syrian people during the rule of the toppled regime, penalizing unruly groups and those involved in violations, and beginning to apply transitional justice while criminalizing hate incitement.

He added that reforming the political system and ensuring comprehensive representation in governance, by adopting a political system that guarantees fair representation of all sects and components, and enhancing administrative decentralization to reduce tensions among different areas, along with forming a transitional government that includes competencies from various affiliations to reflect true representation for all Syrians, is essential in this context.

The researcher pointed to the necessity of introducing educational curricula that focus on universal national identity and promote coexistence, tolerance, and respect for others, alongside combating sectarian rhetoric and incitement through media and public discourse platforms.

Khalil also stated that activating civil society’s role to support initiatives that enhance national unity and condemn sectarian fanaticism, as well as the role of religious leaders in educating the public about the dangers of sectarianism and criminalizing sectarian incitement calls, pave the way for resolving the ongoing crisis.

He underscored the necessity of including components and parties in national dialogue and launching comprehensive dialogues among various components to reach a new social contract that enhances national unity and rebuilds trust through national reconciliation sessions, especially in mixed areas, to enhance understanding among different components.

The researcher considered that acknowledging historical responsibility and encouraging leaders of the Alawite sect to recognize the crimes committed during the previous regime is a vital and necessary step towards national reconciliation.

Moreover, Dr. Safwan Qassam, a sociologist, recommended three steps to calm sectarian tendencies in the Syrian arena. The first is to follow a participatory approach in managing the state, alongside ensuring that Syrian media has a clear agenda and providing a single source of information, away from influencer groups on platforms like TikTok and YouTube.

Qassam believes that dismissing Justice Minister Shadi al-Waisi is a necessary factor in this regard due to the perception of him as responsible for previously documented violations, and that practical steps towards judicial reforms and legal reforms are needed, as the inactivity of this body has cost Syrians many violations by obstructing the path to transitional justice.

The researcher at the Harmoon Center, Talal Mustafa, believes that resolving the current crisis requires a comprehensive national political discourse, which is the responsibility of the state and political actors. They must adopt a discourse that reassures everyone and transcends sectarian classifications, a need that has not yet been fulfilled, as the media of the new administration has not yet come to the forefront.

He emphasized the necessity of reforming institutions, especially legal ones, to achieve comprehensive justice and fair representation of community components in state institutions as well.

He pointed out that the media plays a significant role in amplifying sectarian discourse, but it can also help dismantle sectarian narratives and promote coexistence values through educational media programs.

Mustafa also stated that local initiatives play a crucial role in building trust, such as reconciliation committees at the level of towns or neighborhoods, and organizing dialogue among community components. He noted that awareness requires a new political will and long-term political visions that transcend narrow sectarian issues.

 

The media plays a significant role in amplifying sectarian discourse, but it can also help dismantle sectarian narratives and promote coexistence values through educational media programs.

Talal Mustafa, Researcher at the Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies

 

Political conflict and sectarian explosion

Burhan Ghalioun

Syrian thinker and former professor of political sociology at the Sorbonne University 

The reason for transforming religious affiliation into a political card is its use by colonial powers to extend their influence or directly intervene politically and militarily in emerging states.

In a second phase, it is exploited by conflicting political parties in these very countries in the struggle for power. In other words, it is not religious differences that explain sectarian explosions; rather, it is the political conflict.

There are no major wars or religious conflicts except in the context of this external colonial struggle or internal strife.

Foreign countries may provoke this conflict to intervene in the affairs of smaller nations, and guardianship is one form or end goal of this intervention, making it a permanent and structural intrusion that ensures the long-term interests of the intervening state.

The dangers of guardianship simply involve undermining new states, extracting as many interests as possible from them, and depriving them of the ability to exist as independent nations, working for the benefit of their own people rather than foreign interests.

If foreign countries genuinely interested in imposing guardianship want an easier path, it is to ignite sectarian conflict, potentially participating directly in inciting it and providing it with resources to turn it into a civil war.

What we are witnessing in Syria today is the fruit of a mixture of foreign intervention by powers that have lost their positions and influence in the country since December 8, 2024, along with the reaction of former regime forces due to their political and economic losses.

However, the chances of its success are very limited, as there is a clear international and regional will to curtail Tehran’s role and prevent it from regaining its positions in the Levant, particularly in Lebanon and Syria. Additionally, this is due to the Assad regime and the forces associated with it losing any sympathy or acceptance from everyone (both Syrians and foreigners) following the unprecedented crimes revealed after its downfall, which have led to its leaders being pursued by local and international justice.

The solutions to avoid this situation lie in two means: the first is to begin applying the principle of transitional justice, which puts an end to the delusions of coup plotters who want to regain power, while reassuring people from all concerned sects to respect their basic rights, limiting punishment to perpetrators of major crimes, and initiating dialogue and reconciliation among the broader public, thus ending mutual fear among all parties.

In Syria, forming an inclusive national unity government could also alleviate tension and fear for the future.

On the external level, it would be beneficial to activate diplomatic and political efforts to calm the zeal of the losing intervening countries and perhaps find a diplomatic solution with them to reduce these losses or the feeling of loss. This seems to be what the Syrian administration is working on with Moscow.