Enab Baladi – Khaled al-Jeratli

Since the beginning of September, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which controls northeastern Syria, has intensified its military training sessions and fighter training in its controlled areas amid regional tensions and security threats looming over its territories, particularly from the direction of Deir Ezzor province.

Between September 1 and 29, SDF announced meetings with the leaders of its military councils and conducted military training courses 11 times in al-Hasakah, Raqqa, Deir Ezzor, and Aleppo.

SDF commander Mazloum Abdi appeared in all meetings with the military councils, showcasing his forces’ capabilities to defend the region.

The military displays by SDF came following attacks on its forces in Deir Ezzor province, launched from areas controlled by Iran-backed militias, as well as Syrian regime forces.

SDF considers these attacks to have been coordinated between Turkey and the regime and as a result of the normalization between Ankara and Damascus.

Intensive training and meetings

During September, SDF announced the graduation of military courses five times and also reported on intensive training exercises aimed at increasing its forces’ readiness.

On September 27, SDF announced the graduation of 186 fighters from the Martyr Ahmad al-Ali Academy, coinciding with the announcement of a meeting for military councils in the Jazira Region, which was followed on the same day by the announcement of the opening of six new training courses.

On September 17, SDF stated that the Martyr Chiya Ross Academy, part of its military college, had graduated a training course for “self-defense” fighters. This was followed the next day by a meeting between Mazloum Abdi and the Army of Revolutionaries and the Northern Democratic Brigade, both of which are military factions made up of fighters from northwestern Syria, where Turkish influence is prominent.

Additionally, on September 14, Mazloum Abdi met with military council leaders in both Ayn al-Arab/Kobani and Raqqa.

On September 12, SDF announced that the Martyr Dilsuz Afrin Academy had graduated a new military course for “special forces” (commandos).

On September 12, it was reported that the intensive training exercises held in the Ja’bar area east of Raqqa province were part of ongoing efforts to enhance the combat readiness of their fighters across all military formations.

The training covered various types of light and medium weapons and included simulations of battle scenarios against the Islamic State group and Turkey.

On September 9, Mazloum Abdi and SDF leaders held meetings with councils from Tabqa, Manbij, Ain Issa, and Sarrin, which confirmed their military preparedness to defend their areas of control.

On the first of the month, SDF announced the graduation of a military batch from the Jamal Kobani Academy in Raqqa for “self-defense” fighters.

Escalating local and regional tensions

The surge in announcements regarding military readiness by SDF came in the context of a series of local and regional events, notably the security tension witnessed in Deir Ezzor province following an attack by tribal groups accused of receiving Iranian support along with assistance from the Syrian regime forces.

These attacks resulted in damage to SDF-controlled areas along with fatalities and injuries, most notably among civilians from eastern Deir Ezzor countryside.

Regionally, bases of the International Coalition led by the US are subjected to repeated shelling in areas controlled by SDF as part of the Israeli war in Gaza, which has recently extended to Lebanon amid discussions about the withdrawal of coalition forces from Syria and Iraq.

The coalition forces are not only considered support to SDF and its political umbrella, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), but also provide coverage that protects the area from Turkish threats and the Syrian regime.

According to Badr Mulla Rashid, director of the Raman research center, a set of security events has intensified SDF’s military displays in northeastern Syria, particularly the events that took place in Deir Ezzor province in August.

Beyond what the announcements of graduating courses and meetings might hold in terms of power displays, SDF aims to enhance communication between its military components and councils to confront the threats it faces on both field and military levels, as noted by the researcher to Enab Baladi.

Mulla Rashid believes that SDF’s movements could be interpreted as part of regional escalation, as it is normal for all military factions to prepare for what might come.

The researcher added that in recent months, SDF has leaned towards a greater political realism by preparing for elections or holding intensive meetings to maintain a balance between civil conditions and military communication, thereby showcasing its military organization.

To counter threats

Since the onset of the rapprochement process between Turkey and the Syrian regime, accelerating in the middle of last year, the mechanisms by which SDF and the Autonomous Administration deal with events and parties have started to change, as they began proposing dialogue initiatives with all parties in Syria, including Turkey.

SDF believes that the trajectory of rapprochement between Ankara and Damascus primarily targets them and seeks to avoid waiting for the success of this path without being prepared.

Samir al-Ahmad, a researcher specializing in northeastern Syrian affairs at the Omaran Center for Strategic Studies, noted that the intensification of military training and meetings by SDF is fundamentally linked to presenting itself as a cohesive entity.

Al-Ahmad told Enab Baladi that SDF is working to demonstrate its cohesion on all levels, including security, military, and political aspects.

The researcher believes that in terms of motivation, SDF’s movements can be linked to fears of an impending Turkish escalation and preparations for the normalization period between Turkey and the regime, along with fears of the regime sacrificing them for Turkey’s interests.

Al-Ahmad downplayed the significance of the context of the US withdrawal concerning SDF’s most recent movements, considering that under escalated tensions in the Middle East, SDF rules out the possibility of coalition withdrawal.

The authorities in northeastern Syria believe that the announcement from Washington regarding the withdrawal from Iraq within a year is unlikely, as the region is poised to become “the most critical base” for the US in the entire Middle East.

US withdrawal

The United States has set a timeline to end the International Coalition’s military mission to defeat the Islamic State group in Iraq and Syria.

An American-Iraqi statement reported by the Iraqi News Agency (INA) on September 27 indicated that as a result of consultations with the International Coalition leadership and its member countries, along with extensive discussions within the Iraqi-American high military committee over the past nine months, it was decided to terminate the coalition’s mission in Iraq within the next 12 months.

Following the end of the coalition’s presence in Iraq, discussions will shift to “bilateral security relations” to support Iraqi forces, ensuring continued pressure on the Islamic State group in Iraq.

To prevent the re-emergence of the Islamic State’s threat from northeastern Syria, the military mission of coalition forces operating in Syria will continue, based on consultations with the higher military committee, until September 2026.

The third clause of the statement emphasized the commitment of the higher military committee to prepare the necessary measures to achieve what has been stated in the previous two paragraphs, outlining the timing and mechanism for their execution, and the procedures to ensure the safety and protection of coalition advisors in Iraq during the transitional period.

For its part, the Deputy Press Secretary of the US Department of Defense (Pentagon) stated in response to questions from journalists that the mission of the International Coalition is shifting to a “bilateral security partnership” with the Iraqi government, without providing further details.

The US military presence in Syria is linked to its presence in Iraq, as it serves as a logistical supply line for these forces, according to Sam Heller, a researcher at the Century Foundation for Research and International Policy, speaking previously to Enab Baladi.