The General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), Mazloum Abdi, recently expressed his openness to dialogue with what he termed “national parties” in Idlib, northwestern Syria, where Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a “jihadist” faction opposed to the regime, is in control.

Abdi’s remarks came during a meeting with the Army of Revolutionaries and Northern Democratic Brigade factions, which are former factions of the opposition Free Syrian Army (FSA), at the SDF military councils meeting. These factions had been absent from the media spotlight for years.

On its official website, the SDF quoted Abdi on September 18th as saying: “The comprehensive Syrian political solution that is achieved through dialogue and understanding between national and democratic forces is the foundation for solving the ongoing issues in Syria.” He expressed his openness to “dialogue with all national parties in Idlib and all sincere Syrian national forces committed to the unity of Syrian territory.”

Introducing dialogue with components in Idlib is novel in substance, but it has been iterated several times since the start of this year in form. Abdi has previously expressed his acceptance of dialogue with conflicting parties, including Turkey, its supported Syrian opposition, and even the Syrian regime.

HTS stance on SDF

HTS and the SDF do not intersect in Syria as the former controls Idlib province, parts of Hama, Aleppo, Latakia, and is spread throughout northwestern Syria, while the latter controls northeastern Syria.

The names of both sides may not be linked with many issues, except that some opposition factions expelled from HTS-controlled areas joined the SDF later, such as the Army of Revolutionaries and Northern Brigade factions.

In early 2023, HTS General Commander Abu Mohammad al-Jolani made statements on various issues related to the Syrian scene and the Turkish rapprochement with the regime in an old interview published by HTS-affiliated Amjad Media.

Al-Jolani stated that the SDF project cannot continue in the eastern region as “the equation is somewhat conflicting, and those pushing in this direction, including the Americans, do not understand the nature of society, its history, and the existing overlaps.”

He argued that a group from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) could not govern tribes and a wide area with a clear Arab majority, stating that “this path will fail someday” and emphasizing the need to help “strengthen Sunni Arabs” east of the Euphrates, which he deemed a means and goal of the revolution to achieve its ends.

The SDF was accused of implementing PKK agendas in Syria, a claim denied by its leaders, including Abdi, while Turkey sporadically announces the assassination of PKK leaders in SDF-controlled areas.

Result of pressures

Since the Turkish rapprochement process with the Syrian regime accelerated mid-last year, the SDF and its political umbrella, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), have proposed rapprochement initiatives and accepted dialogue with various parties in Syria.

Osama Sheikh Ali, a researcher specializing in non-state actors at the Omran Center for Strategic Studies, believes that the security and political challenges over the past months have driven the SDF to propose rapprochement initiatives with various parties.

In his conversation with Enab Baladi, the researcher noted that the appearance of former opposition factions like the Northern Brigade and Army of Revolutionaries is because the SDF is trying to reinforce its internal front, including factions from areas far from northeastern Syria.

He added that areas under HTS control are unique from the SDF’s perspective, as they are not directly under Turkish authority like areas under the Syrian National Army (the political umbrella of the Syrian Interim Government), making them a potential ally for the SDF.

The researcher linked the SDF’s initiatives to the Turkish-Syrian rapprochement, considering that it is trying to play multiple cards and secure a coalition or alliance with several parties.

The security breach in Deir Ezzor back in August drove the SDF to seek internal front consolidation, strengthen ties with its military components, and show it is a cohesive military entity.

In early August, clashes erupted in Deir Ezzor when tribal groups crossed the Euphrates River from regime-controlled areas and attacked SDF military sites under artillery cover from the regime’s army, resulting in dozens of casualties.

Sequential steps

Concurrently with the accelerating normalization steps between Turkey and the Syrian regime, the Autonomous Administration, whose project is a top priority to combat this normalization, took several steps seen as attempts to improve its internal front.

The latest action by the Autonomous Administration was releasing families detained in the al-Hol camp, east of al-Hasakah, which was one of the demands raised by the Deir Ezzor tribal elders over the years. The Autonomous Administration had constantly refused to implement, accusing camp residents of being an incubator for the Islamic State (IS) that controlled the area before 2019.

This followed a general amnesty decision in mid-July, which included those accused of “terrorism,” alongside repeated calls to resume Kurdish-Kurdish dialogue and propositions for dialogue with everyone, including Turkey and the Syrian regime.

The steps taken by the Autonomous Administration during July were demands long-standing, long refused by the Autonomous Administration, and it is believed that initiating these demands is linked to the pressure resulting from Ankara-Damascus rapprochement against the Autonomous Administration.

Calls for dialogue

Since the normalization process between Turkey and the Syrian regime began, the Autonomous Administration and its components have shown readiness for dialogue with all parties, occasionally specifying certain parties by stating their preparedness for dialogue with their traditional enemy within the Turkish-backed Syrian opposition.

Later, they showed readiness for dialogue with the Syrian regime and even with Turkey itself.

In early July, the Deputy co-chairman of the Executive Council in the Autonomous Administration, Hassan Kojar, said Turkey seeks to use all parties in Syria to achieve its agendas, hence the Damascus government should not be deceived by these tricks.

He added, “We pose no threat to any party and are not enemies to any party. We seek to build Syria and preserve the country’s territorial integrity. We have always said we are ready to liberate the occupied Syrian territories in partnership with the Syrian army.”

Since its establishment in 2013, the Autonomous Administration has been observing negotiations between the opposition and the regime under international sponsorship, the Arab initiative, and the normalization steps with the regime. It is evidently unable to engage in any of them due to its lack of recognition by all parties, even its allies in the United States.

The Autonomous Administration and the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) attempted to propose a dialogue path with all parties in Syria, including the Syrian regime, but they have been unable to achieve any steps in any of these tracks to date.