Enab Baladi – Hussam al-Mahmoud
After the fall of the ousted Bashar al-Assad regime on December 8, many Arab media outlets, which devoted a lot of their time to broadcasting the events in Syria, began hosting individuals who were associated with the previous regime, whether officially, such as former officials or artists who have a history of expressing support for Bashar al-Assad and his forces, who bombed populated Syrian cities.
These interviews emerged within two main contexts regarding coverage, and in various timelines. The beginning was with former officials who were given a platform (through phone calls) by these Arab satellite channels to appear and “declare their innocence and repentance” from the Assad regime, attributing all errors to Bashar al-Assad personally while expressing implicit opposition during their time in power, which the public did not perceive in any form.
The Saudi Al-Arabiya channel, which has dedicated extensive coverage starting from Damascus, hosted in recent days former Foreign Minister Bassam Sabbagh, former Speaker of the People’s Assembly Hammouda Sabbagh, former Syrian Justice Minister Ahmad al-Sayed, Syrian ambassador in Riyadh Ayman Soussan, among other officials. The common thread among these interviews was the claims made by former officials about their shock regarding the level of Bashar al-Assad’s crimes, and their statements of not knowing about these crimes, especially regarding the Sednaya prison, while providing excuses that somewhat belittle the intelligence of the audience as to why they remained in office. Ambassador Ayman Soussan, Assad’s diplomatic arm in the Turkish rapprochement process in a previous phase, justified his staying in position and not defecting as serving the people more, without explaining how or in what way this supposed “service” occurred.
Discussion of shock
In a similar tone, the same channel also hosted many artists who defended and supported Bashar al-Assad with their narratives and viewpoints, taking extreme stances in adopting his propaganda through their media appearances and interviews. This includes Syrian actress Suzan Najm al-Din, who previously withdrew from an interview on Al-Jadeed channel when asked if Bashar al-Assad had killed his people.
Najm al-Din appeared and described the scenes emerging from Sednaya prison after the fall of the Assad regime as “heartbreaking,” asserting that she had been deceived, without paying attention to the Syrian opposition’s narratives and what the media had broadcast worldwide over more than a decade about the crimes and violations committed by the Assad regime against Syrians – in terms of killings, arrests, displacements, destruction of infrastructure, and changes in the country’s demographics.
Among these interviews is one in which Syrian actor Bassam Kousa indirectly defended previous statements he made about the reality in Syria, justifying his earlier description of al-Assad as an “elected president” by stating that he only knows of elections that take place in Syria, and also expressed shock at the level of crime and systematic killings of civilians in al-Assad’s detention facilities, without considering many narratives and documentary books and testimonies from survivors in these prisons.
These interviews were met with disdain from the Syrian street, which interpreted them in various contexts, ranging from an attempt to rehabilitate symbols, personalities, and figures of the Assad regime to dominate the scene at the expense of the sacrifices of Syrians, crowned by the victory of the revolution, serving a “counter-revolution” or attacking the revolution, to a rush for views without regard for the sensitivity of the stage in which Syrians live. Meanwhile, thousands of Syrians continue to search for their missing loved ones who vanished in the prisons, while mass graves of victims of the regime are still being discovered.
In this context, Enab Baladi sent a set of inquiries to the Damascus caretaker government to comment on the appearance of former officials and the possible endeavors to dominate the scene or announce their innocence from the Assad regime, but received no responses by the time this report was published.
Dr. Arabi al-Masri from the Faculty of Media at the University of Damascus clarified to Enab Baladi that each television channel has an editorial policy it follows, mentioning that the interviews were not limited to those associated with the regime, but also included opponents and former detainees in an attempt to provide a comprehensive picture of the issue. However, political positions govern this framework, especially under what is locally termed “Takwee3,” stressing the need for the rule of law, and that words alone should not absolve individuals; actions must be sincere.
Some are provocative
According to al-Masri, it is essential to distinguish between words and actions, and to reject hate speech, while also considering an important matter, which is “filling the air” for the media, which opens the door to potentially provocative interviews. However, it should be noted that this “filling the air” should not come at the expense of the quality of content and depth of humanitarian coverage. Everyone has the right to express a position or retract and apologize for a stance, but those involved must be legally accountable, and their statements do not pardon them.
Dr. al-Masri considered that the interviews of politicians and artists were not the only unjust coverage by some media outlets, noting that some of these outlets presented inappropriate coverage related to detainees, portraying them outside the light of their sacrifices and heroism, showing them in a manner unworthy of their suffering. He also indicated that the media is not neutral nor can be objective, but people demand reporting under the frames of integrity and fairness. The issue is judged by balance, considering how many people a channel interviews who supported the Assad regime and how many opposition figures it includes; a lack of equality indicates that the coverage is unfair.
“The media seeks viewers, and artists are followed figures; their stance achieves views, and changing these stances brings even higher views,” added al-Masri, indicating that while it is right for a channel to pursue viewership, it should not sacrifice depth for triviality at the expense of humanitarian relevance, not in the name of “lies and deception,” as he pointed out that the audience is intelligent and able to discern who previously defended the regime and who joined the revolution just two days ago, separating those who were deprived of their strength by the regime from those who served its narrative.
Prioritizing matters
Noora al-Aiek, a Syrian actress and psychologist, criticized this media handling, clarifying to Enab Baladi that these interviews, especially those featuring artists, do not consider the sensitivity of the time Syria is going through, nor do they hold any benefit for the audience. Meanwhile, there are figures whose voices and stories should be heard right now, especially since the appearance of controversial artistic figures at this time might incite further anger and a lack of acceptance of the other.
In her opinion, it would be better to host thinkers, psychologists, mothers of detainees, and ordinary citizens who have lived through harsh conditions inside Syria, as the discussions about detention centers, the documents revealing regime crimes, the issue of detained children, and other critical matters deserve to be spotlighted now, more than discussions on “being deceived by Bashar al-Assad” and attitudes towards him. “There are people who have been tortured and humiliated, and there are those who cannot even remember their names,” added al-Aiek.
From al-Aiek’s perspective, it is vital to host figures who contribute to documenting the phase and individuals working to narrow the social gap and resentment between people, as well as specialists to discuss the best ways to deal with those released from detention, aiming at reform and rehabilitation, due to ex-detainees being significantly affected emotionally and psychologically by the issue.
Superficial coverage… Governing factors
At the same time, there is also a Western media game and superficial coverage when looking at the reporting on Syria. There’s a journalistic question about alcohol and women’s clothing while Syria is facing many challenges, indicating exaggeration, haste, and jumping over the stage, thus bypassing people’s spiritual humanitarian rights and the need to mourn for the souls of victims who were part of this outcome.
In response to ongoing local calls, still in a narrow scope, to stop broadcasting channels that present this type of interviews, Dr. Arabi al-Masri opposes reverting to the phase of banning coverage and broadcasts that was present under Bashar al-Assad’s regime. He highlighted that all media outlets have the right to present their discourse as long as it is not destructive or harmful, pointing out that journalists or hosts become harmful when they provide detrimental coverage. The practices related to guest selection and the rush for viewership while pursuing political agendas might cause journalists to operate within the framework of harm, including deceit, incitement, hate, unverified information, and exaggerating pain at the expense of the victims, who are the fuel for this victory while recognizing the audience’s priorities.
Al-Masri does not see that the mechanism of coverage and interviews provided is subject to chaotic reporting amidst a substantial event, asserting that there is no chaotic event for channels with strategy; journalists must be well-versed in coverage styles during wars, crises, and humanitarian reporting, as well as covering trauma issues distinct from violence and refugees. What governs the media’s coverage is the agenda and the editorial policy, alongside the rush for views at the expense of matters of greater depth.
The ousted Bashar al-Assad regime has sought over the years of the revolution to obliterate evidence that incriminates it, attempting to provide a counter-narrative to the Syrian revolution through interviews with artists openly backing him and supporting his policies. Yet the destruction left behind by the ousted Assad throughout Syrian cities, the millions of displaced people scattered in camps inside and outside Syria, the tens of thousands of missing persons after the opening of the detention centers, along with horrifying images and reports about the violations practiced against the people of the country, all remain factors that no propaganda can outweigh, nor can political agendas or attempts to intentionally or unintentionally polish the image of those who were spectators or participants in creating the suffering of the Syrian people.