Enab Baladi – Khaled al-Jeratli
Since their arrival in Turkey, a segment of Syrians has tended to search for accommodation in areas densely populated by fellow Syrians. Some narrowed their options further, seeking places where families from their governorate or city reside.
Over the years, residential areas concentrating Syrians have emerged, such as Fatih and Esenyurt districts in Istanbul, Sahabiye and Danişmend Gazi districts in Kayseri, and the vicinity of Sanko Park (a shopping center) in Gaziantep, among others in different provinces.
Throughout the years of Syrian residence in Turkey, the term “ghetto” has appeared to describe Syrian clusters and was sometimes mentioned in debates among students and university attendees, previously noticed by Enab Baladi.
The term “ghetto” refers to an area where a group of residents identified by the majority as belonging to a particular ethnic background, culture, or religion lives, whether voluntarily or forcibly.
According to the Encyclopedia of Knowledge, the term today refers to impoverished areas where ethnic minorities are compelled to live due to social and economic pressures.
Previously, the term “ghetto” referred to Jewish quarters or sectors in European cities where Jews settled or were forced to live.
Voluntary choice became compulsory due to legislation
Choosing living locations for Syrians was voluntary until the early months of 2022, when the Turkish government decided to close some neighborhoods to foreigners and forced residents to remain in particular districts, even if they wished to move homes.
Ismail, a grocery store owner in Hatay province, Turkey, initially chose Reyhanlı city for its proximity to the Syrian border. Over time, he decided to open a small grocery store and moved to the Wednesday Bazaar area, where Syrians are concentrated.
Ismail told Enab Baladi that he chose this location due to the large number of Syrians, even though Syrians are spread throughout Reyhanlı city. However, the crowded Wednesday Bazaar might make his business more profitable.
Today, the Syrian grocer lives near his shop, but his residence is uncomfortable, as he fears the problems that Syrians face in the country and potential attacks on their stores, as occurred last June. However, the increasing hate speech against refugees makes residing in a distant area more difficult, according to him.
Baraa, a resident of Kayseri province, recently moved to Istanbul. She noted that choosing the place of residence was primarily for comfort, as there are shops selling Syrian necessities in areas where Syrians gather, along with private clinics with Arabic-speaking staff.
Additionally, in Kayseri, Syrian communities are based on their original governorates, such as Latakia, Aleppo, Damascus, among others. Baraa pointed out the pros and cons of these gatherings.
A young woman in her twenties with Turkish citizenship, Baraa stated that these gatherings negatively affected the integration of their residents into the host community because there was limited contact with Turkish society.
Joudi al-Masri, a 21-year-old Syrian residing in Fatih district, Istanbul, had a similar experience. She chose to live in this area due to her lack of knowledge of the language and culture, searching for places with Arab medical centers, Turkish language teachers who speak Arabic, nurseries, and Arab shops.
She added that living in Fatih, a Syrian gathering area, provided various means to learn Turkish, but it negatively impacted Syrian integration into the local community because it isolated the refugee community from the host community.
Why ghettos form
Turkey was never meant to be a permanent place for Syrians; instead, it was a transit point to Europe or a temporary stop until the war in Syria ends. This explains the lack of desire among the refugee community to attempt integration into the host community, leading to the formation of dedicated residential areas. Additionally, the composition of the Syrian community that arrived in Turkey contributed to this, according to Dr. Safwan Qassam, a sociology expert.
Qassam told Enab Baladi that a segment of young, uneducated Syrians working in industry, trade, and freelance occupations learned basic language skills and integrated into daily life for their purpose of stay in Turkey, whether for work, trade, or other reasons.
The educated segment isolated themselves, with their interactions limited to work. Older refugees found it challenging to learn a new language, contributing to their lack of integration into the host community.
He added that the large and diverse Syrian community provided various services, reducing the need for interaction and integration with the local community.
Qassam also mentioned that some racist practices discouraged many from integrating.
He noted that the young generation in schools and universities integrated very well, to the point that it was often difficult to distinguish them from their Turkish peers.
For those refugees who decided to permanently settle in Turkey, their integration into Turkish society was substantial in terms of language acquisition, commercial dealings, and even intermarriage and other social interactions.
Qassam believes that the drawbacks of ghettos might be significant because they isolate the segment of Syrians who could showcase their culture and advancement to the host society. This isolation coinciding with highlighting negative behaviors of some refugees added a negative perception to all Syrians, making all bear the consequences.
A situation reinforced by law
Since 2018, the Turkish government has mandated Syrian refugees to reside in the cities where they first registered, prohibiting their travel or movement between provinces without a short-term travel permit. Travel permits are granted conditionally.
Syrians residing in Turkey, especially in border provinces, face significant challenges in obtaining travel permits, especially to Istanbul, as Turkish authorities aim to reduce their presence there, making Syrians vulnerable to exploitation by smugglers who provide permits for money.
Restrictions drive many to travel illegally (smuggling) using taxis that avoid known checkpoints or via buses booked online, hoping for leniency from security officers at checkpoints regarding absent travel permits.
Since February 2022, Turkish officials have announced plans to redistribute Syrian refugees across different provinces and cities to prevent them from forming concentrated communities in specific districts.
The Turkish government has closed several neighborhoods and cities to Syrians at all levels, including housing, residency, and registration. Requests for address registration are rejected in areas like Fatih in Istanbul, even if the individual works in the same area.
For those currently residing in these closed districts, moving to other restricted areas is impossible, preserving the current ghettos in Turkish cities but preventing their expansion.
Racism intensified it
The opinions of Syrian refugees in Turkey, interviewed by Enab Baladi, were divided. Some believed the rising waves of racism since 2020 prompted them to live in areas with a higher concentration of refugees, whereas others thought the opposite.
Ismail believes that residing in a neighborhood with fewer Syrians is not a suitable option for him, especially with the increasing racist rhetoric making him feel targeted. Baraa agrees.
Baraa, who lived in Kayseri and witnessed attacks on the Danişmend Gazi neighborhood where Syrians reside, believes that living in concentrated Syrian areas makes them targets for any racist attacks as happened in her previous residence last June.
Ali, residing in Mersin province, feels that living in areas like Çarşı or near the municipality, where Syrian residences are concentrated, is entirely negative, as he could become a victim of any issue involving a Syrian youth in that area.
He believes that if a problem arises between a Syrian and a Turkish youth, the latter thinks that everyone living in that area represents the person they had an issue with.
The Syrian refugee issue has been exploited over the past years by Turkish opposition parties to achieve electoral gains since the 2018 elections.
This exploitation has intensified with the rising racist rhetoric against Syrians, combined with various conditions, most notably inflation and high unemployment rates, allowing the Turkish opposition to gain benefits by using this issue.
During the years of Syrian residency in Turkey, political parties were formed with projects focused on “expelling refugees from Turkey,” such as the extremist Victory Party, which participated in presidential and municipal elections under these promises.
This party did not offer any solutions or proposals beyond the framework of deporting refugees and issuing laws that restrict the lives of foreigners in the country.